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Why nationalism grew, and the associations before the Congress

मराठीत स्पष्टीकरण

Rise of nationalism and the early Congress · Part 1 / 2 · Fact-checked on · how we check

Written with AI from the sources listed at the bottom of this page, then fact-checked by a separate AI.

The forces behind Indian nationalism (unification, communications, Western education, the rediscovery of the past, economic grievance and racial arrogance); the press; Lytton's measures of 1876–80 and the Ilbert Bill of 1883; and the political associations from the Landholders' Society (1838) and the British Indian Association (1851) to the East India Association (1866), the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha (1870), the Indian Association (1876), the Madras Mahajan Sabha (1884) and the Bombay Presidency Association (1885).

Each idea is explained first in Marathi (मराठी), ending with the English and Hindi exam terms, followed by the same point in exam English. UPSC Prelims is in English or Hindi, so understand it in Marathi and revise it in English.

1885 पर्यंत मुंबई, मद्रास, कलकत्ता, पुणे येथील सुशिक्षित भारतीय एकाच सभागृहात बसून, राजकारणाच्या एकाच भाषेत, 'एका राष्ट्राच्या वतीने' बोलू शकत होते. शंभर वर्षांपूर्वी — निष्ठा जात, प्रदेश, राजा, धर्म यांच्याशी — याची कल्पनाही कठीण होती. वेगवेगळ्या गावचे नातेवाईक पहिल्यांदाच एका लग्नात भेटून 'आपण एकच कुटुंब' असे मानतात तसे. भाग 1: राष्ट्रीय दृष्टी शक्य करणाऱ्या शक्ती, वृत्तपत्रे, 1870 च्या दशकाच्या अखेरीस संताप आणणारे उपाय, 1885 पूर्वी इलाख्यांच्या शहरांतील संघटना. भाग 2: भारतीय राष्ट्रीय काँग्रेसची स्थापना आणि 1905 पर्यंत मवाळांचे कार्य. इथे राष्ट्रवाद म्हणजे — वसाहती राजवटीविरुद्ध भारतीयांचे हित समान आहे आणि आपल्यावर कसे राज्य व्हावे यात बोलण्याचा हक्क आहे, हा सामायिक विश्वास. (→ English: Indian National Congress · nationalism · हिन्दी: भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस · राष्ट्रवाद)

In exam EnglishBy 1885 educated Indians from Bombay, Madras, Calcutta and Poona could meet in one hall, speak one language of politics and claim to speak for one nation. That would have been hard to imagine a century earlier, when loyalties ran to a caste, a region, a ruler or a faith. This chapter explains how the change happened. Part 1 looks at the forces that made a national outlook possible, the press, the measures of the late 1870s that angered educated opinion, and the associations that Indians formed in the presidency towns before 1885. Part 2 follows the founding of the Indian National Congress and the work of the Moderates up to 1905. Throughout, nationalism here means a shared belief that Indians had common interests against colonial rule and a right to be heard in how they were governed.

पहिली शक्ती — वसाहती राज्यानेच घडवलेले एकीकरण. उपखंडाचा बहुतेक भाग पहिल्यांदाच एका केंद्राखाली, एकाच कायद्यांखाली, एका सनदी सेवेखाली आणि 1858 पासून एका राणीखाली आला. 1853 मध्ये सुरू झालेली रेल्वे, तारायंत्र आणि एकसमान टपाल — माणसे, माल, पत्रे, बातम्या पूर्वीपेक्षा खूप वेगाने पोहोचू लागल्या. मद्रासचा वकील कलकत्त्याच्या सभेत काय बोलले ते काही दिवसांतच वाचू शकत होता. इंग्रजांनी हे जाळे राज्य आणि व्यापारासाठी उभारले; पण बंगालचा शेतकरी आणि गुजरातचा विणकर एकाच धोरणांखाली जगतात हे भारतीयांना दिसले. सगळे गाव एकाच विहिरीचे पाणी पिते, पाणी बिघडले की सगळ्यांचेच हाल — समान भूभागावरचे समान दुःख हाच राष्ट्रीय चळवळीचा कच्चा माल. (→ English: unification · railways · telegraph · हिन्दी: एकीकरण · रेल · तार)

In exam EnglishThe first force was unification by the colonial state itself. For the first time most of the subcontinent was ruled from one centre, under one set of laws, one civil service and, from 1858, one Crown. Railways, opened in 1853, the electric telegraph and a uniform postal system carried people, goods, letters and news across regions far faster than before. A lawyer in Madras could now read within days what had been said at a meeting in Calcutta, and leaders could travel to meet one another. The British built this network to govern and to trade, but it also let Indians see that a peasant in Bengal and a weaver in Gujarat lived under the same policies. A common grievance, felt across a common territory, is one of the raw materials of any national movement.

दुसरी शक्ती — पाश्चात्त्य शिक्षण. कलकत्ता, मुंबई, मद्रास विद्यापीठे 1857 मध्ये; वेगवेगळ्या प्रदेशांतील सुशिक्षितांना एकमेकांशी बोलण्याची भाषा इंग्रजी झाली. तिच्यातून त्यांनी युरोपातील स्वातंत्र्य, प्रातिनिधिक शासन, राष्ट्रवाद यांविषयी वाचले; ब्रिटिश राजवट ब्रिटनच्याच आदर्शांनी मोजली. गुरुजींनी शिकवलेला नियम गुरुजींनाच लावावा तसे. त्याच वेळी भूतकाळाचा पुन्हा शोध लागला: 1784 मध्ये कलकत्त्यात विल्यम जोन्स यांनी स्थापलेली एशियाटिक सोसायटी आणि पुढे युरोपीय-भारतीय विद्वान — संस्कृत ग्रंथ, शिलालेख, स्मारके यांचा अभ्यास करून भारताला उच्च संस्कृतीचा दीर्घ इतिहास आहे हे दाखवले. सुधारणा चळवळींनी आत्मसन्मानाची भर घातली. परिणाम: नव्या मध्यमवर्गाला हक्कांची भाषा आणि सामायिक वारशाचा अभिमान — या दोन्हींवर त्यांचे राजकारण उभे राहिले. (→ English: Western education · Asiatic Society · हिन्दी: पश्चिमी शिक्षा · एशियाटिक सोसाइटी)

In exam EnglishThe second force was Western education. The universities of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras were founded in 1857, and English became the language in which educated Indians from different regions could talk to each other. Through it they read about liberty, representative government and nationalism in Europe, and they began to judge British rule by Britain's own ideals. At the same time scholars rediscovered India's past. The Asiatic Society, founded at Calcutta in 1784 by William Jones, and later European and Indian scholars studied Sanskrit texts, inscriptions and monuments, and showed that India had a long history of high culture. The reform movements of the previous chapter added self-respect. Together these gave the new middle class both the language of rights and pride in a shared heritage, the two ideas on which it built its politics.

तिसरी शक्ती — तक्रार आणि अपमान. पदव्या असूनही उच्च पदे जवळजवळ सगळी इंग्रजांकडेच. शेतकऱ्यांवर भारी सारा; यंत्रनिर्मित आयातीने कारागिरांची बाजारपेठ गेली; दादाभाई नौरोजींसारख्यांनी भारताच्या दारिद्र्याचा संबंध ब्रिटनकडे होणाऱ्या आर्थिक निःसारणाशी जोडला (ब्रिटिश राजवटीचा आर्थिक परिणाम या प्रकरणात). वांशिक अहंकाराने जखम खोल केली: कितीही शिकलेले असले तरी भारतीयांना कमी लेखले; युरोपीय गुन्हेगारांना युरोपीय ज्युरी सहज सोडत; क्लब, रेल्वेचे डबे, सार्वजनिक जागा बंद. वर्गात काही मुलांनाच नेहमी मागच्या बाकावर पाठवले की ती सगळी एकत्र येतात तसे — वृत्तपत्रांत आलेल्या प्रत्येक अपमानाने सर्व प्रदेशांतील भारतीयांना 'आपण सगळे एकच अंकित प्रजा' हे शिकवले. (→ English: Drain of wealth · racial arrogance · हिन्दी: धन का निष्कासन · नस्ली अहंकार)

In exam EnglishThe third force was grievance. Educated Indians found that their degrees did not open the higher posts, which stayed almost wholly British. Peasants bore heavy land revenue, artisans lost their markets to machine-made imports, and writers such as Dadabhai Naoroji began to argue that India's poverty was linked to the Drain of wealth to Britain, an idea taught in the chapter on the economic impact of British rule. Racial arrogance sharpened the sense of injury. Many Europeans in India treated Indians, however learned, as inferiors; European offenders were often let off lightly by European juries; and clubs, railway compartments and public places could shut Indians out. Each insult, reported in the press, taught Indians of every region that they were treated alike as a subject people.

वृत्तपत्रांनी विखुरलेल्या अनुभवांचे लोकमतात रूपांतर केले. 1860 पासून इंग्रजी आणि प्रादेशिक भाषांत भारतीय मालकीची वृत्तपत्रे वाढली: बंगालमध्ये अमृत बझार पत्रिका (1868), मद्रासमध्ये द हिंदू (1878), पुण्यात मराठी 'केसरी' आणि इंग्रजी 'मराठा' (1881). सरकारी निर्णय, भाषणे, पत्रे छापून, अधिकाऱ्यांवर टीका करून, कर, दुष्काळ, नेमणुका यांवर भारतीय बाजू मांडली. एक अंक गावच्या पारावर किंवा वाचनालयात अनेकांना मोठ्याने वाचून दाखवला जाई — विकत घेणाऱ्यांपेक्षा कितीतरी जास्त लोकांपर्यंत पोहोचे. संपादक एकमेकांचे लेख पुन्हा छापत, त्यामुळे इलाखे जोडले गेले. एका पिढीने राष्ट्रीय पातळीवर विचार करायला शिकले ती शाळा म्हणजे वृत्तपत्रे; म्हणूनच सरकारने आधी त्यांच्यावरच अंकुश आणण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. (→ English: press · public opinion · हिन्दी: प्रेस · जनमत)

In exam EnglishThe press turned these scattered experiences into public opinion. From the 1860s Indian-owned newspapers multiplied in English and the regional languages: the Amrita Bazar Patrika began in Bengal in 1868, The Hindu at Madras in 1878, and the Kesari in Marathi and the Mahratta in English at Poona in 1881. They reported government decisions, printed speeches and letters, criticised officials and argued the Indian case on taxes, famine and appointments. A single copy was often read aloud in a village or a library to many listeners, so its reach went far beyond those who bought it. Newspapers also linked the presidencies, since editors reprinted one another's articles. In effect the press became the school in which a generation learnt to think about politics in national terms, and it was among the first things the government tried to curb.

लॉर्ड लिटन व्हाइसरॉय असतानाची वर्षे (1876–80) संतापाचा कळस ठरली. जानेवारी 1877 मध्ये राणी व्हिक्टोरियाला भारताची सम्राज्ञी घोषित करण्यासाठी भव्य दिल्ली दरबार — त्याच वेळी दक्षिण आणि पश्चिम भारतात दुष्काळाने अनेकांचे बळी जात होते. घरात भाकरी नाही आणि शेजारी थाटामाटात मेजवानी, तसे. 1878 चा व्हर्नाक्युलर प्रेस ॲक्ट — भारतीय भाषांतील वृत्तपत्रांकडून जामीन रक्कम मागण्याचा आणि 'राजद्रोही' लेखनासाठी छापखाना जप्त करण्याचा अधिकार; इंग्रजी वृत्तपत्रांना सूट; यातून सुटण्यासाठी अमृत बझार पत्रिका इंग्रजीत गेली, अशी आठवण. त्याच वर्षीचा शस्त्र कायदा — भारतीयांना परवाना सक्तीचा, युरोपीयांना बहुतांश सूट. फक्त लंडनमध्ये होणाऱ्या आय.सी.एस. परीक्षेची कमाल वयोमर्यादा 21 वरून 19; ब्रिटिश सुती कापडावरील आयात शुल्क हटवणे सुरू. पुढचे व्हाइसरॉय रिपन यांनी 1882 मध्ये प्रेस कायदा रद्द केला. (→ English: Vernacular Press Act · Arms Act · Delhi Durbar · हिन्दी: वर्नाक्युलर प्रेस एक्ट · शस्त्र अधिनियम · दिल्ली दरबार)

In exam EnglishThe years of Lord Lytton as Viceroy (1876–80) brought these feelings to a head. In January 1877 he held a grand Delhi Durbar to proclaim Queen Victoria Empress of India while famine was killing large numbers in the south and west. The Vernacular Press Act of 1878 let the government demand security deposits from newspapers in Indian languages and seize their presses for 'seditious' writing, while English papers were left alone; the Amrita Bazar Patrika is remembered for switching to English to escape it. The Arms Act of the same year required Indians to hold a licence to keep arms, from which Europeans were largely exempt. During these years the maximum age for the Indian Civil Service examination, held only in London, was lowered from 21 to 19, making it harder still for Indians to compete, and import duties on British cotton cloth began to be removed. Lytton's successor Ripon repealed the Press Act in 1882.

इल्बर्ट बिल — संघटित आंदोलन काय करू शकते हे भारतीयांना दिसले, पण उलट्या दिशेने. 1883 मध्ये रिपन यांच्या काळात कायदा सदस्य कोर्टने इल्बर्ट यांनी — भारतीय जिल्हा दंडाधिकारी आणि सत्र न्यायाधीश यांना फौजदारी खटल्यांत युरोपीय ब्रिटिश प्रजेचा खटला चालवता यावा असे विधेयक आणले; न्यायालयांतील वांशिक भेद संपवण्यासाठी. भारतातील युरोपीयांनी, विशेषतः बंगालचे मळेवाले आणि व्यापारी — सभा, निधी, वृत्तपत्रांत भारतीयांची निंदा करून तीव्र विरोध केला. सरकार झुकले. 1884 च्या कायद्यात भारतीय न्यायाधीशांचा अधिकार राहिला, पण युरोपीय आरोपीला किमान निम्मे युरोपीय सदस्य असलेली ज्युरी मागता येईल. भारतीयांनी घेतलेले दोन धडे: न्याय वंशावर अवलंबून; देशव्यापी संघटित आंदोलन सरकारला झुकवू शकते. समोरच्या संघाचा खेळ पाहून तीच चाल आपण शिकावी तसे — काही वर्षांतच त्यांनी तीच पद्धत वापरली. (→ English: Ilbert Bill · हिन्दी: इल्बर्ट बिल)

In exam EnglishThe Ilbert Bill showed Indians what organised agitation could achieve, though in the opposite direction. In 1883, under Ripon, the Law Member Courtenay Ilbert introduced a bill to let Indian district magistrates and sessions judges try European British subjects in criminal cases, ending a racial distinction in the courts. Europeans in India, above all the planters and merchants of Bengal, raised a fierce campaign against it, with meetings, funds and abuse of Indians in the press. The government gave way. The law passed in 1884 kept the power for Indian judges but allowed a European accused to claim a jury of which at least half the members were Europeans. Educated Indians drew two lessons: that justice depended on race, and that a well-organised, countrywide agitation could move the government. Within a few years they used that method for themselves.

राजकीय संघटना खूप आधी, सर्वप्रथम बंगालमध्ये सुरू झाल्या. 1838 मध्ये कलकत्त्यात द्वारकानाथ टागोर, प्रसन्नकुमार टागोर, राधाकांत देव आदींनी स्थापलेली लँडहोल्डर्स सोसायटी — जमीनदारांच्या हिताचे रक्षण; तिला अनेकदा आधुनिक भारताची पहिली राजकीय संघटना म्हणतात. 1843 मध्ये बंगाल ब्रिटिश इंडिया सोसायटी — लोकांच्या स्थितीबद्दल जनजागृती हे व्यापक उद्दिष्ट. 1851 मध्ये दोन्ही मिळून ब्रिटिश इंडियन असोसिएशन. 1853 मध्ये कंपनीच्या सनदेच्या नूतनीकरणापूर्वी ब्रिटिश संसदेला अर्ज: भारतीय सदस्य असलेले स्वतंत्र विधिमंडळ, उच्च अधिकाऱ्यांना कमी पगार, कमी खर्चिक प्रशासन. त्याच उद्देशाने 1852 मध्ये बॉम्बे असोसिएशन आणि मद्रास नेटिव्ह असोसिएशन. नेते जमीनदार आणि श्रीमंत व्यापारी; सूर राजनिष्ठ; आपल्या प्रांतापुरते. तरीही अर्ज-विनंत्यांची सवय लावली — गावचे प्रतिष्ठित कलेक्टरला निवेदन देतात तसे. (→ English: Landholders' Society · British Indian Association · हिन्दी: लैंडहोल्डर्स सोसाइटी · ब्रिटिश इंडियन एसोसिएशन)

In exam EnglishPolitical associations had begun much earlier, first in Bengal. The Landholders' Society, formed at Calcutta in 1838 by Dwarkanath Tagore, Prasanna Kumar Tagore, Radhakanta Deb and others, defended the interests of the zamindars and is often called the first political association of modern India. The Bengal British India Society followed in 1843 with a wider aim of informing the public about the condition of the people. In 1851 the two merged into the British Indian Association. Before the Company's charter came up for renewal in 1853, it petitioned the British Parliament for a separate legislature with Indian members, lower salaries for high officials and less costly administration. The Bombay Association and the Madras Native Association were formed in 1852 for the same purpose. These bodies were led by landlords and wealthy merchants, were loyal in tone and spoke for their own province, but they set the habit of petitioning.

1860 च्या दशकात कार्याचे केंद्र विस्तारले; व्यावसायिकांची नवी पिढी पुढे आली. दीर्घकाळ ब्रिटनमध्ये राहिलेल्या दादाभाई नौरोजींनी 1866 मध्ये लंडनमध्ये ईस्ट इंडिया असोसिएशन स्थापली — भारतीयांच्या तक्रारी ब्रिटिश लोकमत आणि संसद सदस्यांपुढे मांडण्यासाठी; पुढे भारतीय शहरांत शाखा. पश्चिम भारतात 1870 मध्ये पुणे सार्वजनिक सभा — म. गो. रानडे यांच्याशी जवळचा संबंध; सार्वजनिक प्रश्नांचा अतिशय काळजीपूर्वक अभ्यास: त्रैमासिक, सारा आणि दुष्काळ यांवर आकडेवारी, सरकारला सविस्तर निवेदने. नुसती तक्रार नव्हे, हिशोब मांडून पुरावा देणाऱ्या शेतकऱ्यासारखे. या संस्था लहानच होत्या, पण एखाद्या जमीनदार वर्गाच्या नव्हे तर जनतेच्या नावाने बोलत; ब्रिटिश लोकमताला पटवून देता येईल असा श्रोता मानत. (→ English: East India Association · Poona Sarvajanik Sabha · हिन्दी: ईस्ट इंडिया एसोसिएशन · पूना सार्वजनिक सभा)

In exam EnglishIn the 1860s the centre of activity widened, and a new generation of professional men took the lead. Dadabhai Naoroji, who lived in Britain for long periods, founded the East India Association in London in 1866 to place Indian grievances before British public opinion and members of Parliament; branches were later opened in Indian cities. In western India the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, founded in 1870 and closely associated with M. G. Ranade, studied public questions with unusual care. It published a quarterly journal, collected facts on land revenue and famine, and sent detailed memorials to the government, so that its arguments rested on evidence rather than on complaint alone. These bodies were still small, but they spoke in the name of the public rather than of a class of landholders, and they treated British opinion as an audience that could be persuaded.

काँग्रेसपूर्वीची सर्वांत महत्त्वाची संस्था — कलकत्त्याची इंडियन असोसिएशन: 26 जुलै 1876 रोजी सुरेंद्रनाथ बॅनर्जी आणि आनंदमोहन बोस यांनी स्थापली. आदल्या वर्षी शिशिरकुमार घोष यांनी स्थापलेल्या इंडियन लीगमधून ती उभी राहिली; लक्ष्य जमीनदार नव्हे तर सुशिक्षित मध्यमवर्ग. बॅनर्जींना आय.सी.एस.मधून बडतर्फ केले होते — तिचे अडथळे त्यांनी स्वतः अनुभवले होते. परीक्षेची वयोमर्यादा घटवली तेव्हा असोसिएशनने अखिल भारतीय मोहीम चालवली: लोकमत जमवण्यासाठी बॅनर्जींचा अनेक प्रांतांत दौरा; जास्त वयोमर्यादा आणि भारतात एकाच वेळी परीक्षा यांची मागणी करणारे निवेदन. डिसेंबर 1883 मध्ये कलकत्त्यात इंडियन नॅशनल कॉन्फरन्स; डिसेंबर 1885 मध्ये पुन्हा बैठक, नंतर काँग्रेसमध्ये विलीन. मोठ्या नाटकापूर्वीची रंगीत तालीम — राष्ट्रीय संघटनेची तालीम. (→ English: Indian Association · Indian National Conference · हिन्दी: इंडियन एसोसिएशन · इंडियन नेशनल कॉन्फ़्रेंस)

In exam EnglishThe most important body before the Congress was the Indian Association of Calcutta, founded on 26 July 1876 by Surendranath Banerjea and Ananda Mohan Bose. It grew out of the Indian League, set up the year before by Sisir Kumar Ghosh, and it aimed at the educated middle class rather than the landlords of the British Indian Association. Banerjea had been dismissed from the Indian Civil Service and knew its barriers at first hand. When the age limit for the examination was lowered, the Association organised an all-India campaign: Banerjea toured several provinces to rally opinion, and the Association sent a memorial asking for a higher age limit and simultaneous examinations in India. In December 1883 it called an Indian National Conference at Calcutta, which met again in December 1885 and then merged with the Congress. In method and spirit it was a rehearsal for a national organisation.

इतर इलाख्यांतही 1880 च्या दशकाच्या सुरुवातीला जुन्या राजनिष्ठ संस्थांची जागा नव्या, अधिक ठाम संस्थांनी घेतली. मद्रासमध्ये एम. वीरराघवाचारी, जी. सुब्रह्मण्य अय्यर, पी. आनंद चार्लू यांनी 1884 मध्ये मद्रास महाजन सभा स्थापली. मुंबईत फिरोजशहा मेहता, का. त्र्यं. तेलंग, बद्रुद्दीन तय्यबजी यांनी जानेवारी 1885 मध्ये बॉम्बे प्रेसिडेन्सी असोसिएशन. तोपर्यंत प्रत्येक मोठ्या प्रांतात वकील, पत्रकार, शिक्षक चालवत असलेली संस्था होती — वृत्तपत्रे आणि प्रत्यक्ष भेटींतून एकमेकींच्या संपर्कात. उणीव एकच: संपूर्ण देशाच्या वतीने एकाच वेळी बोलणारी, दरवर्षी वेगळ्या शहरात भरणारी आणि 'या मागण्या सर्व प्रदेशांच्या आहेत' हे दाखवणारी एक संस्था. गावोगावी मंडळे असूनही जिल्ह्याचा एक महासंघ नसावा तसे. याच संघटनांचे नेते डिसेंबर 1885 मध्ये मुंबईत जमले. (→ English: Madras Mahajan Sabha · Bombay Presidency Association · हिन्दी: मद्रास महाजन सभा · बॉम्बे प्रेसीडेंसी एसोसिएशन)

In exam EnglishIn the other presidencies too, older loyal bodies gave way to newer and more assertive ones in the early 1880s. At Madras, M. Viraraghavachariar, G. Subramania Iyer and P. Ananda Charlu formed the Madras Mahajan Sabha in 1884. At Bombay, Pherozeshah Mehta, K. T. Telang and Badruddin Tyabji founded the Bombay Presidency Association in January 1885. By then each major province had an organisation run by lawyers, journalists, teachers and other professionals, in touch with the others through the press and personal visits. What was missing was a single body that could speak for the whole country at one time, meet every year in a different city and show the British that Indian demands were shared across regions. The leaders of these associations were the men who gathered at Bombay in December 1885.
Political associations before the Congress
AssociationYear and placeLeading figures
Landholders' Society1838, CalcuttaDwarkanath Tagore, Prasanna Kumar Tagore, Radhakanta Deb
Bengal British India Society1843, CalcuttaBengal public men
British Indian Association1851, CalcuttaMerger of the two above
Bombay Association; Madras Native Association1852Merchants and landholders of the two presidencies
East India Association1866, LondonDadabhai Naoroji
Poona Sarvajanik Sabha1870, PoonaM. G. Ranade
Indian League1875, CalcuttaSisir Kumar Ghosh
Indian Association1876, CalcuttaSurendranath Banerjea, Ananda Mohan Bose
Madras Mahajan Sabha1884, MadrasM. Viraraghavachariar, G. Subramania Iyer, P. Ananda Charlu
Bombay Presidency Association1885, BombayPherozeshah Mehta, K. T. Telang, Badruddin Tyabji

एकूण — भारतीय राष्ट्रीय काँग्रेस 1885 मध्येच का उदयाला आली, ते हा भाग सांगतो. एकीकरण, शिक्षण आणि भूतकाळाचा पुन्हा शोध — 'आपण एक जनता' असे मानण्याची साधने आणि आत्मविश्वास दिला. आर्थिक तक्रार आणि वांशिक अपमान — समान उद्दिष्ट दिले. वृत्तपत्रांनी युक्तिवाद पसरवले; लिटनचे उपाय आणि इल्बर्ट बिल — आवाज नसण्याचा धोका आणि संघटित निषेधाची ताकद, दोन्ही दाखवले. 1838 च्या लँडहोल्डर्स सोसायटीपासून इंडियन असोसिएशन आणि बॉम्बे प्रेसिडेन्सी असोसिएशनपर्यंतच्या संघटनांनी नेत्यांना अर्ज, निवेदने, जाहीर सभा यांचे प्रशिक्षण दिले. क्रम: राजनिष्ठ, प्रांतिक, जमीनदारप्रणीत संस्था आधी (1838–1852); व्यावसायिक, राष्ट्रीय संस्था नंतर (1866–1885). एकेक पायरी चढल्याशिवाय माडी गाठता येत नाही. भाग 2: काँग्रेस आणि तिचे नेतृत्व करणारे मवाळ. (→ English: Indian National Congress · Ilbert Bill · Indian Association · हिन्दी: भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस · इल्बर्ट बिल · इंडियन एसोसिएशन)

In exam EnglishPut together, the pieces of this part explain why the Indian National Congress appeared in 1885 and not earlier. Unification, education and the rediscovery of the past gave Indians the means and the confidence to think of themselves as one people. Economic grievance and racial insult gave them a common cause. The press spread their arguments, and Lytton's measures and the Ilbert Bill showed both the danger of having no voice and the power of organised protest. The associations, from the Landholders' Society of 1838 to the Indian Association and the Bombay Presidency Association, trained leaders in petitions, memorials and public meetings. Order to remember: loyal, provincial, landlord-led bodies came first (1838–1852); professional, more national bodies came later (1866–1885). Part 2 takes up the Congress itself and the Moderates who led it.

Exam traps

Recap

Practice questions

Q1. Which of the following is usually described as the first political association of modern India?

  1. British Indian Association
  2. Landholders' Society
  3. Indian Association
  4. East India Association
Show answer

Answer: B. Landholders' Society

The Landholders' Society (Calcutta, 1838) is usually called the first. The British Indian Association came in 1851, so (a) is wrong; the Indian Association in 1876, so (c) is wrong; the East India Association in 1866, so (d) is wrong.

Q2. Consider the following statements:
1. The East India Association was founded by Dadabhai Naoroji in London.
2. The Indian Association of Calcutta was founded by Sisir Kumar Ghosh.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: A. 1 only

Only 1 is correct. The Indian Association (1876) was founded by Surendranath Banerjea and Ananda Mohan Bose; Sisir Kumar Ghosh had founded the Indian League (1875). So statement 2 is wrong, and (b), (c) and (d) are wrong.

Q3. The Vernacular Press Act of 1878 was passed during the viceroyalty of

  1. Lord Ripon
  2. Lord Lytton
  3. Lord Dufferin
  4. Lord Canning
Show answer

Answer: B. Lord Lytton

The Act was passed under Lord Lytton (1876–80). Ripon repealed it in 1882, so (a) is wrong; Dufferin came after Ripon and Canning was Governor-General at the time of the 1857 revolt, long before 1878, so (c) and (d) are wrong.

Q4. Consider the following statements about the Ilbert Bill:
1. It sought to allow Indian judges to try European British subjects in criminal cases.
2. It was withdrawn completely, and Indian judges never gained such power.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: A. 1 only

Only 1 is correct. The bill was not dropped: the law of 1884 kept the power for Indian judges but let a European accused claim a jury at least half European. So statement 2 is wrong, and (b), (c) and (d) are wrong.

Q5. Match List I with List II:
List I (Association)
A. Poona Sarvajanik Sabha
B. Madras Mahajan Sabha
C. Bombay Presidency Association
D. British Indian Association
List II (Year)
1. 1851
2. 1870
3. 1884
4. 1885
Select the correct answer using the code given below:

  1. A-2, B-3, C-4, D-1
  2. A-2, B-4, C-3, D-1
  3. A-1, B-3, C-4, D-2
  4. A-3, B-2, C-4, D-1
Show answer

Answer: A. A-2, B-3, C-4, D-1

Poona Sarvajanik Sabha 1870 (A-2), Madras Mahajan Sabha 1884 (B-3), Bombay Presidency Association 1885 (C-4), British Indian Association 1851 (D-1). (b) swaps the Madras and Bombay bodies, (c) swaps the Poona Sabha and the British Indian Association, and (d) swaps the Poona and Madras Sabhas, so they are wrong.

Q6. Which one of the following was NOT among the measures of Lord Lytton's viceroyalty?

  1. The Delhi Durbar of 1877
  2. The Arms Act of 1878
  3. The Ilbert Bill
  4. The Vernacular Press Act
Show answer

Answer: C. The Ilbert Bill

The Ilbert Bill was introduced in 1883 under Lord Ripon, so it was not Lytton's. The Delhi Durbar (1877), the Arms Act (1878) and the Vernacular Press Act (1878) were all Lytton's measures, so (a), (b) and (d) are wrong answers.

Q7. Consider the following statements:
1. The Indian National Conference first met at Calcutta in 1883.
2. The Indian National Conference later merged with the Indian National Congress.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: C. Both 1 and 2

Both are correct: the Indian Association called the Conference at Calcutta in December 1883; it met again in December 1885 and then merged with the Congress. Options (a) and (b) drop one true statement and (d) rejects both, so they are wrong.

Q8. Which of the following newspapers is correctly matched with the place where it began?
1. Amrita Bazar Patrika : Bengal
2. The Hindu : Bombay
3. Kesari : Poona
Select the correct answer using the code given below:

  1. 1 and 2 only
  2. 1 and 3 only
  3. 2 and 3 only
  4. 1, 2 and 3
Show answer

Answer: B. 1 and 3 only

Pairs 1 and 3 are correct. The Hindu began at Madras in 1878, not at Bombay, so pair 2 is wrong; every option that includes 2, namely (a), (c) and (d), is therefore wrong.

All partsNext: Part 2 →

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