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From Swarajists to Purna Swaraj, 1922–1929

मराठीत स्पष्टीकरण

Civil Disobedience and the Round Table Conferences, 1922–1934 · Part 1 / 3 · Fact-checked on · how we check

Written with AI from the sources listed at the bottom of this page, then fact-checked by a separate AI.

The Swarajists and the No-changers after Non-Cooperation, the constructive programme and the Vaikom satyagraha, the all-British Simon Commission and its boycott, the Nehru Report and Jinnah's Fourteen Points, the Bardoli satyagraha of 1928, the Irwin declaration and the Delhi Manifesto, and the Lahore session's resolution for Purna Swaraj and Independence Day, 26 January 1930.

Each idea is explained first in Marathi (मराठी), ending with the English and Hindi exam terms, followed by the same point in exam English. UPSC Prelims is in English or Hindi, so understand it in Marathi and revise it in English.

मार्च 1922 मध्ये गांधी तुरुंगात गेल्यावर भारतीय राष्ट्रीय काँग्रेससमोर कठीण प्रश्न होता: सामील होण्यासाठी जनलढाच नसताना राष्ट्रीय चळवळ जिवंत कशी ठेवायची? सुगी संपल्यावर पुन्हा पेरणीपर्यंत शेतकरी रिकामा बसत नाही — जमीन तयार करतो, बियाणे जपतो. 1922–1929 हा तसाच काळ: पुढचा लढा कसा लढायचा ते याच वर्षांनी ठरवले. दोन मार्ग — विधिमंडळांत प्रवेश आणि धीराने रचनात्मक काम — दोघांचाही वाटा होता. मग राज्यघटनेच्या आढाव्यासाठी फक्त इंग्रजांचा आयोग पाठवल्याने जवळजवळ सगळे पक्ष एकत्र आले; भारतीयांनी स्वतःच्या घटनेच्या मसुद्याने उत्तर दिले. ब्रिटन अर्ध्या वाटेवरही आले नाही, म्हणून डिसेंबर 1929 मध्ये लाहोरला काँग्रेसने मागणी पूर्ण स्वातंत्र्यापर्यंत वाढवली. (→ English: Indian National Congress · हिन्दी: भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस)

In exam EnglishWhen Gandhi went to prison in March 1922, the Indian National Congress was left with a hard question: how do you keep a national movement alive when there is no mass struggle to join? The years from 1922 to 1929 are sometimes treated as a quiet gap between two great campaigns, but they decided how the next campaign would be fought. Two answers competed, entering the councils and doing patient constructive work, and both played a part. Then a British decision to send an all-British commission to review India's constitution united almost every party against the government, and Indians replied with their own draft constitution. When Britain would not meet them halfway, the Congress raised its demand from dominion status to complete independence at Lahore in December 1929.

पहिले उत्तर सी. आर. दास आणि मोतीलाल नेहरू यांचे. 1919 च्या कायद्याची विधिमंडळे निष्ठावंतांसाठी सोडू नयेत — राष्ट्रवाद्यांनी निवडणुका जिंकून आत जावे आणि आतूनच काम अडवावे, म्हणजे ती भारतीयांना किती कमी सत्ता देतात ते उघड होईल, असा त्यांचा युक्तिवाद. प्रतिस्पर्धी संघाच्या मैदानात उतरून त्यांचा खेळ थांबवावा, तसे. डिसेंबर 1922 च्या गया अधिवेशनात (अध्यक्ष स्वतः दास) हा प्रस्ताव फेटाळला गेला. दास यांनी राजीनामा देऊन 1 जानेवारी 1923 रोजी मोतीलाल यांच्यासह काँग्रेस-खिलाफत स्वराज्य पक्ष स्थापला — सामान्यतः स्वराज्य पक्ष. विरोधक 'अपरिवर्तनवादी' — वल्लभभाई पटेल, राजेंद्र प्रसाद, सी. राजगोपालाचारी, एम. ए. अन्सारी — विधिमंडळाचे राजकारण गावांतील ऊर्जा ओढून घेईल, असे मानत. फूट टाळण्यासाठी सप्टेंबर 1923 च्या दिल्ली विशेष अधिवेशनाने (अध्यक्ष अबुल कलाम आझाद) निवडणूक लढवण्यास परवानगी दिली. 1924 मध्ये सुटका झाल्यावर गांधींनी हे मान्य केले; त्याच डिसेंबरच्या बेळगाव अधिवेशनात (त्यांनी अध्यक्षपद भूषवलेले एकमेव) स्वराजवादी काँग्रेसतर्फे विधिमंडळात काम करतात, हे मान्य झाले. (→ English: Swaraj Party · हिन्दी: स्वराज पार्टी)

In exam EnglishThe first answer came from C. R. Das and Motilal Nehru. They argued that the councils created by the Act of 1919 should not be left to loyalists: nationalists should win the elections, enter the councils and obstruct their work from inside, exposing how little power they really gave Indians. At the Gaya session of December 1922, which Das himself chaired, this proposal was defeated. Das resigned as Congress president and on 1 January 1923 formed, with Motilal Nehru, the Congress-Khilafat Swaraj Party, usually called the Swaraj Party. Their opponents, the No-changers, among them Vallabhbhai Patel, Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopalachari and M. A. Ansari, held that council politics would draw energy away from the villages and weaken the movement. To avoid a split, a special session in Delhi in September 1923, presided over by Abul Kalam Azad, allowed Congressmen to stand for election. After his release in 1924 Gandhi accepted the arrangement, and at the Belgaum session that December, the only one he ever presided over, the Swarajists were recognised as working in the councils for the Congress.

नोव्हेंबर 1923 च्या निवडणुकांत स्वराज्य पक्षाने चांगले यश मिळवले — मध्य प्रांताच्या विधिमंडळात बहुमत, बंगाल आणि केंद्रीय विधानसभेत मजबूत गट. सदस्यांनी अर्थसंकल्प फेटाळले, सरकारी विधेयके पाडली, चर्चांमधून स्वशासनाची बाजू लोकांपुढे मांडली. 1925 मध्ये विठ्ठलभाई पटेल केंद्रीय विधानसभेचे पहिले निवडून आलेले भारतीय अध्यक्ष झाले. पण मर्यादा होत्या: विधिमंडळाने फेटाळले तरी गव्हर्नर-जनरल आणि गव्हर्नर कायदे व अर्थसंकल्प प्रमाणित करू शकत — अडथळा उशीर करतो, थांबवत नाही. रेल्वेपुढे दगड ठेवला तर ती क्षणभर थांबते, चालक दगड बाजूला करून पुढे जातो. जून 1925 मध्ये सी. आर. दास यांचे निधन मोठा धक्का; एम. आर. जयकर, न. चिं. केळकर यांच्यासारखे 'प्रतियोगी सहकारवादी' सरकारशी सहकार्य करून पदे स्वीकारावीत, असे म्हणू लागले. (→ English: Swaraj Party · हिन्दी: स्वराज पार्टी)

In exam EnglishIn the elections of November 1923 the Swaraj Party did well, winning a majority in the Central Provinces council and emerging as a strong group in Bengal and in the Central Legislative Assembly. Its members voted down budgets, defeated government bills and used debates to put the case for self-rule before the public. In 1925 Vithalbhai Patel became the first elected Indian President of the Central Legislative Assembly. The method had limits, however. Obstruction could delay the government but not stop it, since the Governor-General and Governors could certify laws and budgets the councils rejected. The death of C. R. Das in June 1925 removed the party's strongest leader, and a group known as the Responsivists, among them M. R. Jayakar and N. C. Kelkar, began to favour cooperating with the government and accepting office.

दरम्यान अपरिवर्तनवाद्यांनी चळवळीची मुळे गावांत रुजवून ठेवली — आश्रम आणि राष्ट्रीय शाळा चालवल्या, 1925 मध्ये स्थापन झालेल्या अखिल भारतीय चरखा संघामार्फत खादी पसरवली, हिंदू-मुस्लिम सलोखा आणि दलित वर्गांमध्ये काम केले. या काळातील प्रसिद्ध लढा म्हणजे त्रावणकोर संस्थानातील 1924–25 चा वायकोम सत्याग्रह — वायकोम मंदिराभोवतीच्या रस्त्यांवर तथाकथित खालच्या जातींना चालण्यास बंदी होती, तिच्याविरुद्ध. टी. के. माधवन, के. पी. केशव मेनन आणि के. केलप्पन यांच्या नेतृत्वाखाली, मद्रास प्रांतातून आलेल्या ई. व्ही. रामासामी यांच्यासह, स्वयंसेवक रोज अडथळ्याकडे चालत जाऊन अटक स्वीकारत. 1925 मध्ये गांधी तिथे गेले; त्याच वर्षी तडजोडीने काही रस्ते खुले झाले. गावचा रस्ता सर्वांचा असावा — हेच त्यांचे म्हणणे. या कामाने हजारो स्थानिक कार्यकर्ते घडवले. (→ English: satyagraha · हिन्दी: सत्याग्रह)

In exam EnglishThe No-changers meanwhile kept the movement rooted in the villages. They ran ashrams and national schools, spread khadi through the All India Spinners' Association founded in 1925, worked for Hindu-Muslim harmony and campaigned among the depressed classes. The best-known struggle of these years was the Vaikom satyagraha of 1924–25 in the princely state of Travancore, where so-called lower castes were barred from using the roads around the Vaikom temple. Led by T. K. Madhavan, K. P. Kesava Menon and K. Kelappan, and joined by E. V. Ramasami from the Madras Presidency, volunteers walked towards the barrier day after day and accepted arrest. Gandhi visited in 1925, and the struggle ended that year with a compromise that opened some of the roads. Such work trained thousands of local workers who would lead the next mass movement.

दहा वर्षांनी सुधारणांचा आढावा घेण्याचे वचन 1919 च्या कायद्याने दिले होते. दोन वर्षे आधीच, नोव्हेंबर 1927 मध्ये, ब्रिटनच्या हुजूर पक्षाच्या सरकारने इंडियन स्टॅट्युटरी कमिशन नेमले — अध्यक्ष सर जॉन सायमन यांच्या नावाने सायमन कमिशन. भावी मजूर पंतप्रधान क्लेमंट ॲटली यांच्यासह सातही सदस्य ब्रिटिश खासदार; एकही भारतीय नाही. घरच्यांना न विचारता बाहेरच्यांनी बसून घराची वाटणी ठरवावी, तसे — स्वतःची राज्यघटना ठरवण्यात भाग घेण्याची लायकी नाही, असेच सांगितले गेले, असे भारतीयांना वाटले. डिसेंबर 1927 च्या मद्रास अधिवेशनाने (अध्यक्ष एम. ए. अन्सारी) प्रत्येक टप्प्यावर आणि प्रत्येक स्वरूपात बहिष्कार घालण्याचा ठराव केला; त्याच अधिवेशनाने पूर्ण स्वातंत्र्य हे ध्येय जाहीर केले. जिनांच्या नेतृत्वाखालील मुस्लिम लीगचा एक गट आणि अनेक उदारमतवादीही बहिष्कारात सामील झाले. (→ English: Simon Commission · हिन्दी: साइमन कमीशन)

In exam EnglishThe Act of 1919 had promised a review of the reforms after ten years. In November 1927, two years early, the Conservative government in Britain appointed the Indian Statutory Commission, known as the Simon Commission after its chairman, Sir John Simon. All seven members, including the future Labour Prime Minister Clement Attlee, were British members of Parliament; not one Indian was included. Indians of almost every shade read this as a declaration that they were unfit to take part in deciding their own constitution. At its Madras session of December 1927, presided over by M. A. Ansari, the Congress resolved to boycott the commission at every stage and in every form, and the same session declared complete independence to be the goal of the Indian people. A section of the Muslim League under Jinnah and many Liberals also joined the boycott.

3 फेब्रुवारी 1928 रोजी आयोग मुंबईत उतरला तेव्हा देशव्यापी हरताळ; जिथे गेला तिथे काळे झेंडे आणि 'सायमन परत जा' घोषणा. पोलिसांनी बळाचा वापर केला. 30 ऑक्टोबर 1928 रोजी लाहोरमध्ये मूक मिरवणुकीचे नेतृत्व करणाऱ्या लाला लजपतराय यांना लाठीमार झाला; 17 नोव्हेंबर 1928 रोजी त्यांचे निधन झाले — त्या मृत्यूने भगतसिंग आणि साथीदारांना डिसेंबरमध्ये पोलीस अधिकारी सॉंडर्सच्या हत्येकडे नेले. सायमन कमिशनने 1930 मध्ये अहवाल प्रसिद्ध केला: द्विदल शासन रद्द, प्रांतांना जबाबदार सरकार — पण केंद्र ब्रिटनलाच उत्तरदायी, वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य याचा उल्लेखही नाही. स्वयंपाकघर सोपवून घराची किल्ली स्वतःकडेच ठेवावी, तसे — भारतात क्वचितच कोणाचे समाधान झाले. (→ English: Simon Commission · हिन्दी: साइमन कमीशन)

In exam EnglishThe commission landed at Bombay on 3 February 1928 to an all-India hartal, and wherever it went it was met by black flags and the cry 'Simon go back'. The police answered with force. At Lahore on 30 October 1928 Lala Lajpat Rai, leading a silent procession, was struck in a lathi charge; he died on 17 November 1928, and his death led Bhagat Singh and his comrades to the killing of the police officer Saunders in December. The Simon Commission published its report in 1930. It proposed ending dyarchy and giving the provinces responsible government, but it left the central government answerable to Britain and did not mention dominion status, so by the time it appeared it satisfied hardly anyone in India.

भारतमंत्री लॉर्ड बर्कनहेड यांनी 'तुम्ही स्वतःच्या राज्यघटनेवर एकमत करू शकत नाही' असा टोमणा मारला होता. 1928 मध्ये सर्वपक्षीय परिषदेने हे आव्हान स्वीकारून मोतीलाल नेहरू यांच्या अध्यक्षतेखाली समिती नेमली; ऑगस्ट 1928 चा तिचा अहवाल म्हणजे नेहरू अहवाल. त्याने वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य मागितले — कॅनडा, ऑस्ट्रेलियासारख्या स्वशासित डोमिनियनांचा दर्जा; केंद्रात आणि प्रांतांत निवडून आलेल्या विधिमंडळाला जबाबदार सरकार. स्वतंत्र मतदारसंघांऐवजी संयुक्त मतदारसंघ; केंद्रात आणि मुसलमान अल्पसंख्य असलेल्या प्रांतांत त्यांच्यासाठी राखीव जागा — बहुसंख्य असलेल्या पंजाब आणि बंगालमध्ये नाही. स्त्रियांच्या समान हक्कांसह मूलभूत हक्क, प्रौढ मताधिकार, भाषिक प्रांत. 'तुला घर बांधता येत नाही' म्हणणाऱ्याला नकाशा काढून दाखवावा, तसे — स्वतंत्र देशाच्या घटनेचा आराखडा भारतीयांनी लिहिण्याचा पहिला प्रयत्न. (→ English: Nehru Report · dominion status · हिन्दी: नेहरू रिपोर्ट · डोमिनियन स्थिति)

In exam EnglishLord Birkenhead, the Secretary of State for India, had taunted Indians that they could not agree on a constitution of their own. An All Parties Conference took up the challenge in 1928 and appointed a committee chaired by Motilal Nehru, whose report of August 1928 is known as the Nehru Report. It asked for dominion status, the same standing as the self-governing dominions such as Canada and Australia, with a government responsible to an elected legislature at the centre and in the provinces. It rejected separate electorates in favour of joint electorates, with seats reserved for Muslims at the centre and in provinces where they were a minority, but not in Punjab and Bengal, where they were a majority. It also listed fundamental rights, including equal rights for women, proposed adult suffrage and recommended linguistic provinces. It was the first attempt by Indians to write down the shape of a free country's constitution.

नेहरू अहवालाने दोन्ही टोकांचे समाधान झाले नाही. डिसेंबर 1928 च्या कलकत्ता सर्वपक्षीय परिषदेत जिनांनी दुरुस्त्या सुचवल्या: केंद्रीय विधिमंडळात मुसलमानांना एक-तृतीयांश जागा, पंजाब आणि बंगालमध्ये लोकसंख्येच्या प्रमाणात जागा, आणि शेषाधिकार केंद्राऐवजी प्रांतांना. हिंदू महासभेच्या तीव्र विरोधामुळे त्या फेटाळल्या गेल्या; जिना दूर गेले. मार्च 1929 मध्ये त्यांचे चौदा मुद्दे: शेषाधिकार प्रांतांकडे असलेली संघराज्यीय घटना, प्रांतिक स्वायत्तता, केंद्रात एक-तृतीयांश मुस्लिम प्रतिनिधित्व आणि स्वतंत्र मतदारसंघ चालू ठेवणे. दुसरीकडे जवाहरलाल, सुभाषचंद्र बोस यांच्यासारख्या तरुणांनी वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य अपुरे मानून इंडिपेंडन्स फॉर इंडिया लीग स्थापली. डिसेंबर 1928 च्या कलकत्ता अधिवेशनाने (अध्यक्ष मोतीलाल नेहरू) मधला मार्ग काढला: अहवाल स्वीकारला, पण 1929 अखेरपर्यंत वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य न मिळाल्यास पूर्ण स्वातंत्र्याची मागणी करून सविनय कायदेभंग सुरू करू, असा इशारा दिला. भाडेकरूने 'वर्षभरात दुरुस्ती केली नाही तर घरच विकत घेईन' म्हणावे, तसे. (→ English: Nehru Report · हिन्दी: नेहरू रिपोर्ट)

In exam EnglishThe Nehru Report pleased neither end of opinion. At an all-parties convention in Calcutta in December 1928, Jinnah proposed amendments: one-third of the seats in the central legislature for Muslims, seats in Punjab and Bengal in proportion to population, and residuary powers for the provinces rather than the centre. They were rejected, with the Hindu Mahasabha strongly opposed, and Jinnah drifted away. In March 1929 he set out his Fourteen Points, which asked for a federal constitution with residuary powers in the provinces, provincial autonomy, one-third Muslim representation at the centre and the continuation of separate electorates. Younger Congressmen such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose rejected dominion status as too little and formed the Independence for India League. The Calcutta session of December 1928, presided over by Motilal Nehru, found a middle path: it accepted the report but warned that if Britain did not grant dominion status by the end of 1929, the Congress would demand complete independence and launch civil disobedience.
Three constitutional proposals, 1928–1930
ProposalYearMain idea
Nehru Report (All Parties Conference)1928Dominion status; responsible government at the centre and in the provinces; joint electorates with reserved seats; fundamental rights; linguistic provinces
Jinnah's Fourteen Points1929Federation with residuary powers in the provinces; provincial autonomy; one-third Muslim seats at the centre; separate electorates to continue
Simon Commission report1930End dyarchy and give the provinces responsible government; centre still answerable to Britain; no mention of dominion status

नेते वाद घालत असताना सुरत जिल्ह्यातील बारडोली तालुक्यातील शेतकऱ्यांनी गांधींची पद्धत अजूनही चालते हे दाखवले. 1927 मध्ये मुंबई सरकारने तालुक्याचा शेतसारा मोठ्या प्रमाणात वाढवला. अर्ज-विनंत्या फसल्यावर शेतकऱ्यांनी 1928 मध्ये वल्लभभाई पटेलांना साराबंदीचे नेतृत्व करण्याची विनंती केली. पटेलांनी गावे छावण्यांत संघटित केली, पत्रकांद्वारे स्वयंसेवकांना जोडून ठेवले; सारा भरण्यापेक्षा गुरे आणि जमीन जप्ती सोसायला लोकांना तयार केले; माघार घेणाऱ्यांवर सामाजिक बहिष्कार. बारडोलीच्या स्त्रियांनी त्यांना 'सरदार' ही पदवी दिली. महिनोन्महिने सत्याग्रह टिकला; अखेरीस सरकार चौकशीला तयार झाले — वाढ अन्यायी ठरवून ती बरीच कमी केली. एक काडी मोडता येते, काड्यांची मोळी नाही. बारडोलीने पटेलांना राष्ट्रीय नेते बनवले. (→ English: satyagraha · हिन्दी: सत्याग्रह)

In exam EnglishWhile the politicians argued, the peasants of Bardoli taluka in Surat district showed that Gandhi's method still worked. In 1927 the Bombay government raised the land revenue of the taluka sharply. When petitions failed, the peasants asked Vallabhbhai Patel to lead a no-revenue campaign in 1928. Patel organised the villages into camps, kept volunteers in touch through bulletins, and persuaded the people to endure the seizure of cattle and land rather than pay; those who broke ranks faced a social boycott. The women of Bardoli gave him the title 'Sardar'. The satyagraha held firm for months, and the government finally agreed to an inquiry, which found the increase unjustified and cut it sharply. Bardoli made Patel a national figure.

1929 मध्ये ब्रिटनमध्ये मजूर पक्षाचे सरकार आले; व्हाइसरॉय लॉर्ड आयर्विन यांनी मवाळ भारतीयांना बरोबर ठेवण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. 31 ऑक्टोबर 1929 रोजी त्यांनी जाहीर केले की भारताच्या घटनात्मक प्रगतीचा स्वाभाविक परिणाम वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य हाच आहे, आणि सायमन अहवालानंतर ब्रिटिश व भारतीय प्रतिनिधींची गोलमेज परिषद भरेल. 2 नोव्हेंबर 1929 रोजी भारतीय नेत्यांनी दिल्ली जाहीरनाम्याद्वारे अटींवर सहकार्य देऊ केले: भारत लायक आहे का यावर वाद घालण्यासाठी नव्हे, तर वसाहतीच्या स्वराज्याची योजना आखण्यासाठी परिषद भरावी; भारतीय शिष्टमंडळात काँग्रेसचा सर्वात मोठा वाटा; सर्वसाधारण माफी आणि सलोख्याचे धोरण. ब्रिटिश संसदेत या घोषणेवर हल्ला झाला; 23 डिसेंबर 1929 रोजी गांधी, मोतीलाल नेहरू आदी आयर्विन यांना भेटले तेव्हा परिषद वसाहतीच्या स्वराज्यापासूनच सुरू होईल, असे आश्वासन ते देऊ शकले नाहीत. 'लग्न लावून देऊ' म्हणून तारीख विचारल्यावर गप्प बसावे, तसे — मुदत संपली. (→ English: dominion status · हिन्दी: डोमिनियन स्थिति)

In exam EnglishIn Britain a Labour government took office in 1929, and the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, tried to keep moderate Indians on side. On 31 October 1929 he declared that the natural issue of India's constitutional progress was the attainment of dominion status, and that a Round Table Conference of British and Indian representatives would be held after the Simon report. Indian leaders replied on 2 November 1929 with the Delhi Manifesto, which offered cooperation on conditions: the conference should meet to draw up a scheme for dominion status rather than to debate whether India deserved it, the Congress should have the largest share of the Indian delegation, and there should be a general amnesty and a policy of conciliation. The declaration was attacked in the British Parliament, and when Gandhi, Motilal Nehru and other leaders met Irwin on 23 December 1929, he could give no assurance that the conference would start from dominion status. The year of grace had run out.

डिसेंबर 1929 च्या लाहोर अधिवेशनाचे अध्यक्ष चाळीस वर्षांचे जवाहरलाल नेहरू — गांधींच्या पाठिंब्याने तरुण पिढीचा आवाज म्हणून निवडलेले. पूर्ण स्वराज्य — संपूर्ण स्वातंत्र्य — हे काँग्रेसचे ध्येय असा ठराव झाला; नेहरू अहवालाची वसाहती स्वराज्याची योजना संपली. गोलमेज परिषदेवर बहिष्कार, विधिमंडळांतून काँग्रेस सदस्यांचे राजीनामे, आणि योग्य वेळी करबंदीसह सविनय कायदेभंग सुरू करण्याचा अधिकार अखिल भारतीय काँग्रेस समितीला. 31 डिसेंबर 1929 च्या मध्यरात्री रावीच्या काठी नेहरूंनी तिरंगा फडकवला. 26 जानेवारी 1930 हा स्वातंत्र्य दिन ठरला — इंग्रजी राजवटीपुढे आणखी झुकणे हा माणसाविरुद्ध आणि ईश्वराविरुद्ध गुन्हा आहे, ही प्रतिज्ञा देशभर वाचली गेली. घराच्या दारावर 'हे आमचे घर' अशी पाटी लावावी, तसे. त्या दिवसाच्या सन्मानार्थ वीस वर्षांनी 26 जानेवारी 1950 रोजी भारताची राज्यघटना अमलात आली. (→ English: Purna Swaraj · हिन्दी: पूर्ण स्वराज)

In exam EnglishThe Lahore session of December 1929 was presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru, then forty, chosen with Gandhi's backing as the voice of the younger generation. It passed the resolution declaring Purna Swaraj, complete independence, to be the goal of the Congress, so that the Nehru Report's dominion scheme lapsed. It resolved to boycott the Round Table Conference, asked Congress members to resign from the legislatures, and authorised the All India Congress Committee to launch a programme of civil disobedience, including non-payment of taxes, whenever it thought fit. At midnight on 31 December 1929 Nehru hoisted the tricolour on the banks of the Ravi. The Working Committee then fixed 26 January 1930 as Independence Day, when people across India gathered to read a pledge that it was a crime against man and God to submit any longer to British rule. Twenty years later the Constitution of India was brought into force on 26 January 1950 to honour that day.
Congress sessions of 1922–1929 to remember
SessionPresidentDecision
Gaya, December 1922C. R. DasCouncil entry rejected; Swaraj Party formed soon after
Delhi (special), September 1923Abul Kalam AzadCongressmen allowed to contest elections
Belgaum, December 1924M. K. GandhiSwarajists accepted as working in the councils for the Congress
Madras, December 1927M. A. AnsariBoycott of the Simon Commission; complete independence declared the goal
Calcutta, December 1928Motilal NehruNehru Report accepted with a one-year ultimatum
Lahore, December 1929Jawaharlal NehruPurna Swaraj; boycott of the Round Table Conference; civil disobedience authorised

एकत्रित पाहिले तर 1922–1929 या वर्षांनी पुढच्या जनलढ्याची भूमी तयार केली. स्वराजवाद्यांनी राष्ट्रवाद्यांना लोकांच्या नजरेत ठेवले आणि 1919 च्या सुधारणांच्या मर्यादा दाखवल्या; अपरिवर्तनवाद्यांनी गावांत संघटना जिवंत ठेवून कार्यकर्ते घडवले; पद्धत अजून चालते हे बारडोलीने दाखवले. फक्त इंग्रज सदस्यांच्या सायमन कमिशनने भारतीयांना निषेधात एकत्र आणले; नेहरू अहवाल हा त्यांचा पहिला घटनात्मक आराखडा — मात्र त्यावरील वादाने काँग्रेस आणि मुस्लिम लीग यांच्यातील अंतर वाढवले. ब्रिटनने वसाहतीच्या स्वराज्याचे वचन न दिल्याने काँग्रेसने पूर्ण स्वराज्याचा संकल्प केला. (→ English: Simon Commission · Nehru Report · Purna Swaraj · हिन्दी: साइमन कमीशन · नेहरू रिपोर्ट · पूर्ण स्वराज)

In exam EnglishSeen as a whole, the years 1922–1929 prepared the ground for the next mass struggle. The Swarajists kept nationalists in public view and showed the limits of the 1919 reforms; the No-changers kept the organisation alive in the villages and trained its workers; Bardoli showed that the method still worked. The all-British Simon Commission united Indians in protest, and the Nehru Report was their first constitutional blueprint, although the quarrel over it widened the gap between the Congress and the Muslim League. When Britain would not promise dominion status, the Congress committed itself to Purna Swaraj.

Exam traps

Recap

Practice questions

Q1. The proposal for council entry was rejected at the Congress session of December 1922, after which its supporters formed the Swaraj Party. Who presided over that session?

  1. Motilal Nehru
  2. C. R. Das
  3. Abul Kalam Azad
  4. M. A. Ansari
Show answer

Answer: B. C. R. Das

(b) is correct: C. R. Das presided at Gaya in December 1922, and when his own proposal was defeated he resigned and formed the Swaraj Party. (a) is wrong because Motilal Nehru presided at Calcutta in 1928. (c) is wrong because Abul Kalam Azad presided over the Delhi special session of 1923, which allowed council entry. (d) is wrong because M. A. Ansari presided at Madras in 1927.

Q2. Consider the following statements:
1. The Swaraj Party was formed by C. R. Das and Motilal Nehru in 1923.
2. In 1925 Vithalbhai Patel became the first elected Indian President of the Central Legislative Assembly.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: C. Both 1 and 2

(c) is correct: the party was formed on 1 January 1923, and Vithalbhai Patel was elected President of the Assembly in 1925. (a) is wrong because statement 2 is also true. (b) is wrong because statement 1 is also true. (d) is wrong because both are true.

Q3. With reference to the Simon Commission, consider the following statements:
1. Two of its seven members were Indians.
2. Lala Lajpat Rai was injured in a lathi charge at Lahore while leading a protest against it.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: B. 2 only

(b) is correct: statement 2 is right; statement 1 is wrong because all seven members were British members of Parliament, which is why Indians boycotted it. (a) is wrong because statement 1 is false. (c) is wrong because only statement 2 is true. (d) is wrong because statement 2 is true.

Q4. Which one of the following was NOT a recommendation of the Nehru Report (1928)?

  1. Dominion status for India
  2. Joint electorates with reserved seats for minorities
  3. Continuation of separate electorates for Muslims
  4. Linguistic provinces
Show answer

Answer: C. Continuation of separate electorates for Muslims

(c) is correct: the report rejected separate electorates; their continuation was one of Jinnah's Fourteen Points. (a) is wrong because dominion status was the report's central demand. (b) is wrong because joint electorates with reserved seats were its answer to the minorities question. (d) is wrong because the report did recommend linguistic provinces.

Q5. Match List I (Congress session) with List II (president):
List I
A. Belgaum, 1924
B. Madras, 1927
C. Calcutta, 1928
D. Lahore, 1929
List II
1. Motilal Nehru
2. Jawaharlal Nehru
3. M. K. Gandhi
4. M. A. Ansari
Select the correct answer using the code given below:

  1. A-3, B-4, C-1, D-2
  2. A-4, B-3, C-1, D-2
  3. A-3, B-4, C-2, D-1
  4. A-3, B-1, C-4, D-2
Show answer

Answer: A. A-3, B-4, C-1, D-2

(a) is correct: Gandhi at Belgaum, Ansari at Madras, Motilal Nehru at Calcutta and Jawaharlal Nehru at Lahore. (b) is wrong because it swaps Belgaum and Madras. (c) is wrong because it swaps father and son: Motilal presided at Calcutta and Jawaharlal at Lahore. (d) is wrong because it swaps Madras and Calcutta.

Q6. Arrange the following in chronological order:
1. The Irwin declaration on dominion status
2. The Nehru Report
3. The arrival of the Simon Commission in India
4. The Lahore session of the Congress
Select the correct answer using the code given below:

  1. 3-2-1-4
  2. 2-3-1-4
  3. 3-1-2-4
  4. 3-2-4-1
Show answer

Answer: A. 3-2-1-4

(a) is correct: Simon Commission arrives (February 1928), Nehru Report (August 1928), Irwin declaration (October 1929), Lahore session (December 1929). (b) is wrong because the commission arrived before the report. (c) is wrong because the report came before the Irwin declaration. (d) is wrong because the declaration came before Lahore.

Q7. With reference to the Bardoli satyagraha of 1928, consider the following statements:
1. It was led by Vallabhbhai Patel, who was given the title 'Sardar' by the women of Bardoli.
2. It was directed against forced indigo cultivation by European planters.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: A. 1 only

(a) is correct: statement 1 is right; statement 2 is wrong because Bardoli was a campaign against an increase in land revenue, while forced indigo cultivation was the issue at Champaran in 1917. (b) is wrong because statement 2 is false. (c) is wrong because only statement 1 is true. (d) is wrong because statement 1 is true.

Q8. Consider the following statements about the Lahore session of the Congress (December 1929):
1. It declared Purna Swaraj to be the goal of the Congress.
2. It decided that the Congress would take part in the First Round Table Conference.
3. It authorised the All India Congress Committee to launch civil disobedience.
Which of the statements given above are correct?

  1. 1 and 2 only
  2. 1 and 3 only
  3. 2 and 3 only
  4. 1, 2 and 3
Show answer

Answer: B. 1 and 3 only

(b) is correct: statements 1 and 3 are right; statement 2 is wrong because Lahore resolved to boycott the Round Table Conference. (a) is wrong because it includes statement 2. (c) is wrong because it includes statement 2 and leaves out statement 1. (d) is wrong because statement 2 is false.

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