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The Congress ministries and the coming of war, 1937–1941

मराठीत स्पष्टीकरण

Quit India and the INA, 1937–1946 · Part 1 / 3 · Fact-checked on · how we check

Written with AI from the sources listed at the bottom of this page, then fact-checked by a separate AI.

Provincial autonomy and the elections of 1937, the Congress ministries and their record, the Muslim League's revival, the Bose crisis at Tripuri and the Forward Bloc, India's entry into the Second World War and the resignation of the ministries, the Lahore resolution and the Ramgarh session, the August Offer and the individual satyagraha.

Each idea is explained first in Marathi (मराठी), ending with the English and Hindi exam terms, followed by the same point in exam English. UPSC Prelims is in English or Hindi, so understand it in Marathi and revise it in English.

हा अध्याय स्वातंत्र्यापूर्वीच्या शेवटच्या दशकाची गोष्ट आहे — 1937 मध्ये प्रांतांत काँग्रेस सत्तेवर आली तिथपासून 1946 च्या नौदल उठावापर्यंत. हा पहिला भाग 1937–1941 चा आहे. प्रांतिक स्वायत्तता मिळाल्यावर भारतीय राष्ट्रीय काँग्रेसने दोन वर्षांहून अधिक काळ बहुतेक प्रांतांचा कारभार केला — बाहेरून टीका करणाऱ्याने अचानक घराची जबाबदारी घ्यावी तसे; सत्तेने काय करता येते आणि काय नाही, हे दोन्ही ती शिकली. त्याच काळात मुस्लिम लीग पुन्हा बळकट होऊन स्वतंत्र मुस्लिम राज्यांच्या मागणीकडे वळली, सुभाषचंद्र बोस यांचा गांधींच्या नेतृत्वाशी संघर्ष झाला आणि दुसऱ्या महायुद्धाने काँग्रेस–ब्रिटिश यांच्यातील नाजूक व्यवस्था मोडली. शेवटी 1940 चा ब्रिटिश प्रस्ताव आणि गांधींचा मर्यादित निषेध, वैयक्तिक सत्याग्रह येतो. (→ English: provincial autonomy, Indian National Congress · हिन्दी: प्रांतीय स्वायत्तता, भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस)

In exam EnglishThis chapter follows the national movement through its last decade before the final negotiations, from the Congress taking office in the provinces in 1937 to the naval rising of 1946. Part 1 covers the years 1937 to 1941. Under provincial autonomy the Indian National Congress governed most provinces of British India for over two years and learned both the uses and the limits of power. In the same years the Muslim League rebuilt itself and moved towards a demand for separate Muslim states, Subhas Chandra Bose clashed with Gandhi's leadership, and the Second World War broke the uneasy working arrangement between the Congress and the British. The part ends with the British offer of August 1940 and Gandhi's carefully limited protest, the individual satyagraha.

1935 च्या कायद्याने प्रांतांतील द्विदल शासन संपवून प्रांतिक स्वायत्तता दिली: प्रांतिक विषय निवडून आलेल्या विधिमंडळाला जबाबदार मंत्री चालवतील; पण गव्हर्नरकडे स्वतःच्या मर्जीने वापरायचे खास अधिकार राहिले — घराची किल्ली मुलाला देऊन तिजोरीची किल्ली वडिलांनी स्वतःकडे ठेवावी तसे. काँग्रेसने कायद्याचा निषेध केला, तरी नेहरू अध्यक्ष असलेल्या लखनौ (एप्रिल 1936) आणि फैजपूर (डिसेंबर 1936) अधिवेशनांत निवडणूक लढवायचे ठरवले; फैजपूर हे खेड्यात भरलेले पहिले काँग्रेस अधिवेशन. 1937 च्या निवडणुकीत काँग्रेसला पाच प्रांतांत (मद्रास, संयुक्त प्रांत, मध्य प्रांत, बिहार, ओरिसा) बहुमत आणि मुंबई प्रांतात सर्वात मोठा पक्ष. मुस्लिम लीग मुस्लिम जागांवरही कमकुवत ठरली; पंजाबात युनियनिस्ट पक्ष आणि बंगालमध्ये फजलुल हक यांच्या आघाडीने सरकारे बनवली. (→ English: provincial autonomy, Muslim League · हिन्दी: प्रांतीय स्वायत्तता, मुस्लिम लीग)

In exam EnglishThe Government of India Act 1935 ended dyarchy in the provinces and introduced provincial autonomy: provincial subjects were to be run by ministers answerable to elected legislatures, though the Governor kept special responsibilities and powers he could use at his own discretion. The Congress condemned the Act, yet at its Lucknow (April 1936) and Faizpur (December 1936) sessions, both presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru, it decided to fight the elections; Faizpur was the first Congress session held in a village. The elections of early 1937 were a Congress triumph. It won a majority in five provinces, Madras, the United Provinces, the Central Provinces, Bihar and Orissa, and was the largest party in Bombay. The Muslim League did poorly even in seats reserved for Muslims; in the Punjab the Unionist Party of Sikandar Hayat Khan, and in Bengal a coalition led by Fazlul Huq of the Krishak Praja Party, formed the governments.

जिंकणे सोपे, पण सत्ता घ्यायची की नाही हे ठरवणे कठीण. गव्हर्नर आपल्या खास अधिकारांनी मंत्र्यांना डावलणार नाहीत अशी हमी काँग्रेसने मागितली. व्हाइसरॉय लिनलिथगो यांनी जून 1937 मध्ये सर्वसाधारण निवेदन दिले; जुलैमध्ये सात प्रांतांत (मुंबई, मद्रास, संयुक्त प्रांत, मध्य प्रांत, बिहार, ओरिसा, वायव्य सरहद्द प्रांत) काँग्रेस मंत्रिमंडळे आली; नंतर आसाममध्येही — एकूण आठ. पटेल, मौलाना आझाद, राजेंद्र प्रसाद यांसारख्या ज्येष्ठांची छोटी समिती केंद्रातून त्यांच्यावर बारीक लक्ष ठेवत होती — आठ मुलांचे संसार वेगळे असले तरी मोठे निर्णय आजोबाच घेतात तसे. यामुळे शिस्त राहिली, पण बरेच निर्णय प्रांतांबाहेर होत. (→ English: Viceroy · हिन्दी: वायसराय)

In exam EnglishWinning was easier than deciding to govern. The Congress first asked for an assurance that Governors would not use their special powers to override ministers. The Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, gave a general statement in June 1937, and in July Congress ministries took office in seven provinces: Bombay, Madras, the United Provinces, the Central Provinces, Bihar, Orissa and the North-West Frontier Province. A Congress-led coalition later took office in Assam, making eight. The ministries were not left to themselves. A small committee of senior leaders, among them Vallabhbhai Patel, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Rajendra Prasad, watched them closely from the centre, so that eight provincial governments followed one party line. Suppose a premier wanted to go his own way on a sensitive matter: the central leadership could, and sometimes did, overrule him. This kept the ministries disciplined, but it also meant that many real decisions were taken outside the provinces.

सुमारे 28 महिन्यांच्या कारभारात, मर्यादित संविधानातही भारतीयांचे स्वशासन काय करू शकते हे काँग्रेस मंत्रिमंडळांनी दाखवले. राजकीय कैद्यांची सुटका, संघटना–वृत्तपत्रांवरील बंदी उठवणे, वृत्तपत्रे–सभांवरील निर्बंध सैल करणे. कुळांचे संरक्षण आणि शेतकऱ्यांचे कर्ज कमी करणारे कायदे — विशेषतः संयुक्त प्रांत आणि बिहारमध्ये; मद्रास आणि मुंबई प्रांताच्या काही भागांत दारूबंदी; शाळा-आरोग्यावरील खर्च वाढला. गांधींची 'मूलभूत शिक्षण' योजना — मुलांनी एखादा उत्पादक हस्तव्यवसाय करत शिकावे; ऑक्टोबर 1937 च्या वर्धा परिषदेत स्वीकारली, झाकीर हुसेन समितीने तिला रूप दिले. मर्यादाही होत्या: पैसा कमी, गव्हर्नरच्या राखीव अधिकारांना हात लावता येत नव्हता, जमीनदारांबाबत सावध पावले; मुंबईच्या 1938 च्या औद्योगिक विवाद कायद्यावर कामगार नेत्यांनी टीका केली. (→ English: Congress ministries, basic education · हिन्दी: कांग्रेस मंत्रिमंडल, बुनियादी शिक्षा)

In exam EnglishIn about 28 months in office the Congress ministries showed what Indian self-government could do even inside a limited constitution. They released political prisoners, lifted bans on organisations and newspapers, and eased the controls on the press and public meetings. They passed laws to protect tenants and to scale down peasants' debts, most notably in the United Provinces and Bihar; Madras and Bombay introduced prohibition in parts of their provinces; spending on schools and health rose. Gandhi put forward a scheme of basic education, teaching children through a productive craft, which was taken up at the Wardha education conference of October 1937 and worked out by a committee under Zakir Husain. The limits were equally real. The ministries had little money, could not touch the Governor's reserved powers, and often moved cautiously against landlords; in Bombay a trade disputes law of 1938 was attacked by labour leaders as hostile to workers.

1937 चे निकाल मुस्लिम लीगसाठी वळणबिंदू ठरले. पराभवाने दुखावलेल्या जिनांनी तिला जनपक्ष बनवायचे ठरवले. ऑक्टोबर 1937 च्या लखनौ अधिवेशनापासून लीगने मोठ्या प्रमाणावर सभासद भरती सुरू केली; पंजाब आणि बंगालचे मुस्लिम प्रधानमंत्री सिकंदर हयात खान आणि फजलुल हक लीगशी समझोत्याला आले. संयुक्त प्रांतात काँग्रेसने लीगला मंत्रिपदे देऊ केली — पण सभागृहातील लीगचा वेगळा गट विसर्जित व्हावा या अटीवर; 'आम्हाला गिळून टाकतील' असे लीगला वाटले — लग्नाला बोलावून 'तुमचे आडनाव सोडा' म्हणावे तसे. 1938 मध्ये पीरपूरच्या राजाच्या समितीने काँग्रेस सरकारांविरुद्ध तक्रारींचा अहवाल प्रसिद्ध केला; काँग्रेसने तो अतिरंजित म्हटला. 1939 मध्ये मंत्रिमंडळांनी राजीनामे दिले तेव्हा जिनांनी 22 डिसेंबर 1939 हा 'मुक्ती दिन' पाळायला सांगितले. (→ English: Muslim League, Day of Deliverance · हिन्दी: मुस्लिम लीग, मुक्ति दिवस)

In exam EnglishThe 1937 results were a turning point for the Muslim League. Stung by its defeat, Jinnah set out to turn it into a mass party. At its Lucknow session in October 1937 the League began recruiting widely, and the Muslim premiers of the Punjab and Bengal, Sikandar Hayat Khan and Fazlul Huq, came to terms with it. Relations with the Congress soured early: in the United Provinces the Congress offered the League places in the ministry only on terms that would have dissolved the League's separate group in the assembly, and the League treated this as proof that it would be swallowed. Its campaign now said that Muslims could not expect fair treatment under Congress rule. In 1938 a League committee headed by the Raja of Pirpur published a report listing grievances against the Congress governments, which the Congress rejected as exaggerated. When the ministries resigned in 1939, Jinnah called on Muslims to observe 22 December 1939 as a 'Day of Deliverance'.

काँग्रेसमधील एका तीव्र लढतीने डावा गट आणि गांधींचे अनुयायी यांच्यातील दरी उघड झाली. सुभाषचंद्र बोस हरिपुरा अधिवेशनाचे (फेब्रुवारी 1938) अध्यक्ष होते; त्यांच्या काळात नेहरूंच्या अध्यक्षतेखाली राष्ट्रीय नियोजन समिती स्थापन झाली. बोस यांना ब्रिटिशांना मुदतीचा निर्वाणीचा इशारा देऊन जनलढ्याची तयारी करायची होती; देश अजून तयार नाही असे गांधी आणि ज्येष्ठांचे मत होते. जानेवारी 1939 मध्ये बोस दुसऱ्यांदा उभे राहिले आणि गांधींचा पाठिंबा असलेल्या पट्टाभि सीतारामय्यांना हरवले; 'हा पराभव पट्टाभींपेक्षा माझा आहे' असे गांधी म्हणाले. त्रिपुरी अधिवेशनात (मार्च 1939) गोविंद वल्लभ पंत यांचा ठराव: अध्यक्षांनी गांधींच्या इच्छेनुसार कार्यकारिणी नेमावी — गावचा सरपंच म्हणून निवडून आलात तरी सदस्य मात्र थोरल्यांच्या सांगण्याप्रमाणे निवडावे, तसे. बोस यांनी एप्रिल 1939 मध्ये राजीनामा दिला, राजेंद्र प्रसाद अध्यक्ष; मे मध्ये फॉरवर्ड ब्लॉक; ऑगस्ट 1939 मध्ये तीन वर्षे पदबंदी. (→ English: Tripuri session, Forward Bloc · हिन्दी: त्रिपुरी अधिवेशन, फ़ॉरवर्ड ब्लॉक)

In exam EnglishInside the Congress a sharp contest exposed the gap between its left wing and Gandhi's followers. Subhas Chandra Bose presided over the Haripura session (February 1938), and during his term the National Planning Committee was set up under Jawaharlal Nehru to plan India's economic development. Bose wanted to give the British a time-bound ultimatum and to prepare for a mass struggle, while Gandhi and most senior leaders thought the country was not ready. In January 1939 Bose stood for a second term and defeated Pattabhi Sitaramayya, the candidate Gandhi supported; Gandhi said publicly that the defeat was more his than Pattabhi's. At the Tripuri session (March 1939) the delegates passed a resolution moved by Govind Ballabh Pant asking the President to appoint his Working Committee in line with Gandhi's wishes. Unable to form a committee, Bose resigned in April 1939 and Rajendra Prasad became President. In May Bose founded the Forward Bloc, and in August 1939 he was barred from holding Congress office for three years.

3 सप्टेंबर 1939 रोजी ब्रिटनने जर्मनीविरुद्ध युद्ध जाहीर केले; त्याच दिवशी व्हाइसरॉय लिनलिथगो यांनी कोणत्याही भारतीय नेत्याला वा निवडून आलेल्या मंत्रिमंडळांना न विचारता भारत युद्धात सामील असल्याचे जाहीर केले — घरात कुणाला न विचारता कर्त्याने 'आपले बैल शेजाऱ्याचे शेत नांगरतील' म्हणावे तसे. काँग्रेस फॅसिझमविरोधी होतीच; पण ज्या देशाला स्वतःच स्वातंत्र्य नाही त्याने इतरांच्या स्वातंत्र्यासाठी का लढावे? वर्ध्याला कार्यकारिणी: ब्रिटनने युद्धाची उद्दिष्टे जाहीर करावी, भारताला स्वतंत्र मानावे आणि शक्य तितकी सत्ता आताच द्यावी, तरच सहकार्य. 17 ऑक्टोबर 1939 चे उत्तर: वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य हेच ध्येय राहील, युद्धानंतर 1935 च्या कायद्याचा फेरविचार, एक सल्लागार गट — एवढेच. काँग्रेस मंत्रिमंडळांनी ऑक्टोबर–नोव्हेंबर 1939 मध्ये राजीनामे दिले; कलम 93 खाली गव्हर्नरांनी कारभार हाती घेतला. (→ English: Viceroy, dominion status · हिन्दी: वायसराय, डोमिनियन स्थिति)

In exam EnglishOn 3 September 1939 Britain declared war on Germany, and the same day the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, declared India a party to the war without consulting any Indian leader or the elected provincial ministries. Congress opinion was firmly against fascism; the question was whether a country denied its own freedom should fight for the freedom of others. The Working Committee, meeting at Wardha in September 1939, offered cooperation only if Britain declared its war aims and treated India as free, with real power transferred at once as far as possible. Linlithgow's reply of 17 October 1939 said only that dominion status remained the goal, that the 1935 Act could be reconsidered after the war, and that a consultative group would be formed. The Congress found this wholly unsatisfactory and told its ministries to resign; they left office in October and November 1939, and the Governors took over the provinces under section 93 of the 1935 Act.

मार्च 1940 मधील दोन अधिवेशनांनी पक्षांमधील अंतर किती वाढले ते दाखवले. लाहोरमध्ये मुस्लिम लीगने फजलुल हक यांनी मांडलेला ठराव स्वीकारला: भारताच्या वायव्य आणि पूर्व भागांतील मुस्लिम बहुसंख्य प्रदेश एकत्र करून 'स्वतंत्र राज्ये' बनवावीत. मजकुरात 'पाकिस्तान' हा शब्दच नाही, तरी लोक त्याला पाकिस्तान ठराव म्हणू लागले. त्याचा पाया द्विराष्ट्र सिद्धांत — हिंदू आणि मुसलमान हे एका राष्ट्रातील दोन समाज नसून दोन वेगळी राष्ट्रे आहेत, असा जिनांचा दावा; एकाच घरातील दोन भाऊ नव्हेत, तर दोन वेगळी घराणी, तसे. त्याच महिन्यात बिहारमधील रामगढ येथे मौलाना आझाद यांच्या अध्यक्षतेखाली काँग्रेस अधिवेशन — ते आयुष्यभर या सिद्धांताचे विरोधक आणि 1946 पर्यंत अध्यक्ष. संघटना तयार होताच कायदेभंग सुरू करू, असे रामगढने जाहीर केले. (→ English: Muslim League, two-nation theory · हिन्दी: मुस्लिम लीग, द्वि-राष्ट्र सिद्धांत)

In exam EnglishIn March 1940 two sessions showed how far apart the main parties had moved. At Lahore the Muslim League adopted a resolution, moved by Fazlul Huq, that the areas where Muslims were in a majority, in the north-western and eastern zones of India, should be grouped to form 'independent states'. The word Pakistan does not appear in the text, but the resolution was soon popularly called the Pakistan resolution. It rested on the two-nation theory, which Jinnah set out in his presidential address: that Hindus and Muslims were not two communities of one nation but two separate nations. In the same month the Congress met at Ramgarh in Bihar under Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, a lifelong opponent of the two-nation idea, who remained Congress President until 1946. The Ramgarh session declared that nothing short of complete independence would do, and resolved to launch civil disobedience once the organisation was ready or circumstances demanded it.
Congress sessions, 1936–1940
SessionDatePresidentWhat to remember
LucknowApril 1936Jawaharlal NehruDecides to contest the elections under the 1935 Act
FaizpurDecember 1936Jawaharlal NehruFirst Congress session held in a village
HaripuraFebruary 1938Subhas Chandra BoseBose's first term; National Planning Committee set up later in 1938
TripuriMarch 1939Subhas Chandra Bose (re-elected over Pattabhi Sitaramayya)Pant resolution; Bose resigns in April, Rajendra Prasad takes over
RamgarhMarch 1940Maulana Abul Kalam AzadComplete independence; civil disobedience when the organisation is ready

जून 1940 मध्ये फ्रान्स पडल्यानंतर, ब्रिटन मोठ्या संकटात असताना आणि चर्चिल पंतप्रधान असताना, लिनलिथगो यांनी 8 ऑगस्ट 1940 रोजी नवा प्रस्ताव दिला — ऑगस्ट प्रस्ताव. त्यात: वसाहतीचे स्वराज्य हे ध्येय, पण तारीख नाही; व्हाइसरॉयच्या कार्यकारी मंडळात अधिक भारतीय, एक युद्ध सल्लागार मंडळ; युद्धानंतर भारतीयांची प्रतिनिधी संस्था नवे संविधान लिहील. अल्पसंख्याकांना हमी: मोठे आणि प्रबळ घटक ज्याला मान्यता देत नाहीत अशा कोणत्याही शासनाला सत्ता दिली जाणार नाही — म्हणजे लीगला नकाराधिकार; वाटणीपत्रावर 'एका भावाने सही केली नाही तर वाटणीच नाही' तसे. आता खरी सत्ता नाही म्हणून काँग्रेसने तो फेटाळला; हमीचे स्वागत करूनही लीगनेही तो स्वीकारला नाही. महत्त्वाचे: संविधान लिहिणे ही मुख्यतः भारतीयांचीच जबाबदारी आहे, हे ब्रिटनने प्रथमच मान्य केले. (→ English: August Offer, dominion status, Viceroy · हिन्दी: अगस्त प्रस्ताव, डोमिनियन स्थिति, वायसराय)

In exam EnglishAfter the fall of France in June 1940, with Britain in grave danger and Winston Churchill now its Prime Minister, Linlithgow made a fresh offer on 8 August 1940, known as the August Offer. It promised dominion status as the objective, but named no date; an enlarged Executive Council of the Viceroy with more Indian members, and a War Advisory Council; and, after the war, a body representing the principal elements of Indian national life to frame a new constitution. It also assured the minorities that power would not be handed to any system of government whose authority was denied by large and powerful elements of Indian life, which in effect gave the League a veto over any settlement. The Congress rejected the offer because it gave no real power now. The League did not accept it either, though it welcomed the assurance. Its lasting importance is that Britain conceded, for the first time, that framing the new constitution should be primarily the responsibility of Indians themselves.

ऑगस्ट प्रस्ताव फेटाळल्यावर गांधींनी मुद्दाम मर्यादित निषेध निवडला — वैयक्तिक सत्याग्रह, ऑक्टोबर 1940 मध्ये सुरू. ब्रिटन अस्तित्वासाठी लढत असताना गोंधळ माजवू शकणाऱ्या जनआंदोलनाऐवजी, निवडक व्यक्तींनी एकेक करून युद्धातील भारताच्या सहभागाविरुद्ध जाहीरपणे बोलायचे, भाषणस्वातंत्र्याचा हक्क बजावायचा आणि अटक करून घ्यायची. प्रत्येक सत्याग्रही गांधींनी स्वतः निवडला — लग्नाच्या मांडवात एकेकाला नाव घेऊन बोलवावे तसे, घोळक्याने नव्हे. पहिले विनोबा भावे (17 ऑक्टोबर 1940), दुसरे नेहरू; नंतर हजारो. उद्देश: राष्ट्रवाद्यांचा संयम म्हणजे दुबळेपणा नव्हे हे दाखवणे, निषेध जिवंत ठेवणे, पण युद्धप्रयत्नांत अडथळा न आणणे. लोकांत फारसा उत्साह आला नाही; 1941 च्या मध्यापर्यंत जोर ओसरला. डिसेंबर 1941 मध्ये जपान युद्धात उतरल्यावर सरकारने सत्याग्रहींना सोडले. (→ English: individual satyagraha · हिन्दी: व्यक्तिगत सत्याग्रह)

In exam EnglishWith the August Offer rejected, Gandhi chose a deliberately narrow form of protest, the individual satyagraha, begun in October 1940. Instead of a mass movement that might cause disorder while Britain was fighting for its survival, selected individuals would, one at a time, publicly speak against India's participation in the war, so asserting the right of free speech, and then court arrest. Gandhi himself chose each satyagrahi. Vinoba Bhave was the first, on 17 October 1940, and Jawaharlal Nehru the second; thousands more followed in the months after. The aims were to show that nationalist patience was not weakness, to keep the Congress's protest alive, and yet to avoid hampering the war effort. The campaign aroused little popular excitement, and by mid-1941 it had lost momentum. After Japan entered the war in December 1941, the government released the satyagrahis, and the Congress turned to a very different situation in Asia.

एकूण पाहता या पाच वर्षांनी लढ्याचे स्वरूप बदलले. सत्तेने काँग्रेस कारभार करू शकते हे सिद्ध केले आणि पाठिंबा वाढवला, पण 1939 मध्ये ती बाहेर पडल्याने मैदान लीगसाठी मोकळे झाले; युद्धकाळात लीग वाढली आणि द्विराष्ट्र सिद्धांत पुढे रेटला. ब्रिटिश प्रस्ताव 1939 च्या अस्पष्ट आश्वासनांपासून 1940 च्या ऑगस्ट प्रस्तावापर्यंत आले — पण युद्ध संपेपर्यंत खरी सत्ता ब्रिटिशांच्याच हाती, आणि अंतिम समझोत्यावर अल्पसंख्याकांना निर्णायक शब्द. त्रिपुरी संकटाने दाखवले की अनेक तरुणांना गांधींपेक्षा धारदार लढा हवा होता — हे अंतर पुढे बोस यांच्या वाटचालीत पुन्हा दिसते. वैयक्तिक सत्याग्रहाने संबंध पूर्ण न तोडता निषेध जिवंत ठेवला — चुलीतील विस्तव विझू नये म्हणून थोडे निखारे राखावेत तसे. 1942 मध्ये जपान भारताच्या दारापर्यंत आला आणि क्रिप्स मिशन आले — तो दुसरा भाग. (→ English: two-nation theory, August Offer · हिन्दी: द्वि-राष्ट्र सिद्धांत, अगस्त प्रस्ताव)

In exam EnglishTaken together, these five years changed the shape of the struggle. Office proved that the Congress could govern and widened its support, but its exit in 1939 left the field open to the League, which used the war years to grow and to press the two-nation theory. British offers moved from vague promises in October 1939 to the August Offer of 1940, yet each kept real power in British hands for the duration of the war and gave the minorities a say over any final settlement. Inside the Congress, the Tripuri crisis showed that many younger nationalists wanted a sharper fight than Gandhi was ready to lead, a gap that would reappear in Bose's later course. Gandhi's individual satyagraha kept the protest alive without a full break. All of this set the stage for 1942, when Japan's advance brought the war to India's door and Britain sent the Cripps Mission, the subject of Part 2.

Exam traps

Recap

Practice questions

Q1. Which was the first session of the Indian National Congress to be held in a village?

  1. Lucknow, 1936
  2. Faizpur, 1936
  3. Haripura, 1938
  4. Tripuri, 1939
Show answer

Answer: B. Faizpur, 1936

(b) is correct: the Faizpur session of December 1936, under Nehru, was the first held in a village. (a) is wrong because Lucknow (April 1936) was held in a city. (c) is wrong because Haripura (1938) came later and is known for Bose's first presidency. (d) is wrong because Tripuri (1939) is known for the Bose crisis.

Q2. Consider the following statements about the Congress ministries formed in 1937:
1. Congress ministries took office in July 1937 in seven provinces, including the North-West Frontier Province.
2. A Congress ministry was formed in Bengal, where the Congress was the largest party.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: A. 1 only

(a) is correct: in July 1937 Congress ministries took office in seven provinces, the North-West Frontier Province among them. Statement 2 is wrong because Bengal was governed by a coalition led by Fazlul Huq, not by the Congress. So (b) and (c) are wrong as they accept statement 2, and (d) is wrong because statement 1 is true.

Q3. In the Congress presidential election of January 1939, Subhas Chandra Bose defeated:

  1. Rajendra Prasad
  2. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
  3. Pattabhi Sitaramayya
  4. Govind Ballabh Pant
Show answer

Answer: C. Pattabhi Sitaramayya

(c) is correct: Bose defeated Pattabhi Sitaramayya, the candidate backed by Gandhi. (a) is wrong because Rajendra Prasad became President only after Bose resigned in April 1939. (b) is wrong because Azad became President in 1940 at Ramgarh. (d) is wrong because Pant moved the Tripuri resolution; he was not the rival candidate.

Q4. Match List I with List II:
List I (Event) — List II (Date)
A. India declared a party to the Second World War — 1. 22 December 1939
B. 'Day of Deliverance' observed by the Muslim League — 2. 8 August 1940
C. The August Offer — 3. 3 September 1939
D. The first individual satyagraha — 4. 17 October 1940
Select the correct answer using the code given below:

  1. A-3, B-1, C-2, D-4
  2. A-1, B-3, C-2, D-4
  3. A-3, B-1, C-4, D-2
  4. A-2, B-1, C-3, D-4
Show answer

Answer: A. A-3, B-1, C-2, D-4

(a) is correct: India was declared at war on 3 September 1939, the Day of Deliverance was 22 December 1939, the August Offer came on 8 August 1940 and Vinoba Bhave began the individual satyagraha on 17 October 1940. (b) is wrong because it swaps the dates of the war declaration and the Day of Deliverance. (c) is wrong because it swaps the August Offer and the first satyagraha. (d) is wrong because it puts the war declaration in August 1940.

Q5. Consider the following statements about the Lahore resolution of the Muslim League (March 1940):
1. It demanded that Muslim-majority areas in the north-west and east be grouped to form independent states.
2. The word 'Pakistan' was used in the text of the resolution.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: A. 1 only

(a) is correct: the resolution asked for the Muslim-majority zones of the north-west and east to be grouped as independent states. Statement 2 is wrong because the word Pakistan does not appear in the text; the name was attached to it later in popular use. So (b) and (c) are wrong, and (d) is wrong because statement 1 is true.

Q6. Which one of the following was NOT a part of the August Offer of 1940?

  1. Dominion status as the objective of British policy
  2. Expansion of the Viceroy's Executive Council with more Indians
  3. A constitution-making body of Indians after the war
  4. The right of any province to stay out of the new Indian Union
Show answer

Answer: D. The right of any province to stay out of the new Indian Union

(d) is correct: the right of a province to stay out of the Union belonged to the Cripps proposals of 1942, not the August Offer. (a) is wrong because the offer did name dominion status as the goal. (b) is wrong because it promised a larger Executive Council with more Indians. (c) is wrong because it promised a post-war body of Indians to frame the constitution.

Q7. Consider the following statements about the individual satyagraha:
1. Vinoba Bhave was chosen by Gandhi as the first satyagrahi.
2. Its aim was to bring the British war effort to a halt through a mass movement.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

  1. 1 only
  2. 2 only
  3. Both 1 and 2
  4. Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer

Answer: A. 1 only

(a) is correct: Gandhi picked Vinoba Bhave, who began on 17 October 1940. Statement 2 is wrong because the campaign was deliberately limited to chosen individuals so as not to hamper the war effort. So (b) and (c) are wrong, and (d) is wrong because statement 1 is true.

Q8. Why did the Congress ministries resign in October–November 1939?

  1. Because the Governors dismissed them under section 93 of the 1935 Act
  2. Because India had been made a party to the war without consultation and Britain would not state its war aims or transfer real power
  3. Because the Muslim League won a majority in the provincial assemblies
  4. Because the Congress had launched the Quit India Movement
Show answer

Answer: B. Because India had been made a party to the war without consultation and Britain would not state its war aims or transfer real power

(b) is correct: the ministries resigned in protest at India's being declared at war without consultation and at Linlithgow's unsatisfactory reply of 17 October 1939. (a) is wrong because they resigned on the party's instructions; Governors used section 93 only after they left. (c) is wrong because no fresh elections had been held and the League had done poorly in 1937. (d) is wrong because the Quit India Movement began only in August 1942.

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